The World's Economic Outlook (May 1932) - by John Maynard Keynes

 

      The immediate problem for which the world needs a solution to-day is

      different from the problem of a year ago. Then it was a question of how we

      could lift ourselves out of the state of acute slump into which we had

      fallen and raise the volume of production back toward a normal figure. But

      to-day the primary problem is to avoid a far-reaching financial crisis.

      There is now no possibility of reaching a normal level of production in

      the near future. Our efforts are directed toward the attainment of more

      limited hopes. Can we prevent an almost complete collapse of the financial

      structure of modern capitalism? With no financial leadership left in the

      world and profound intellectual error as to causes and cures prevailing in

      the responsible seats of power, one begins to wonder and to doubt. At any

      rate, no one is likely to dispute that for the world as a whole the

      avoidance of financial collapse, rather than the stimulation of industrial

      activity, is now the front-rank problem. The restoration of industry must

      come second in order of time. Nowhere, I believe, is this better

      understood than in the United States.

 

      The immediate causes of the world financial panic -- for that is what it

      is -- are obvious. They are to be found in a catastrophic fall in the

      money value, not only of commodities, but of practically every kind of

      asset. The 'margins,' as we call them, upon confidence in the maintenance

      of which the debt and credit structure of the modern world depends, have

      'run off.' In many countries the assets of the banks are no longer equal,

      conservatively valued, to their liabilities to their depositors. Debtors

      of all kinds find that their securities are no longer the equal of their

      debts. Few governments still have revenues sufficient to cover the fixed

      money charges for which they have made themselves liable.

 

      Moreover, a collapse of this kind

      feeds on itself. We are now in the phase where the risk of carrying assets

      with borrowed money is so great that there is a competitive panic to get

      liquid. And each individual who succeeds in getting more liquid forces

      down the price of assets in the process of getting liquid, with the result

      that the margins of other individuals are impaired and their courage

      undermined. And so the process continues. It is, indeed, in the United

      States itself that this has proceeded to the most incredible lengths. The

      collapse of values there has reached astronomical dimensions. I scarcely

      need to remind American readers of the facts. But the United States only

      offers an example -- extreme, owing to the psychology of its people -- of

      a state of affairs which exists in some degree almost everywhere.

      The competitive struggle for liquidity has now extended beyond individuals

      and institutions to nations and to governments, each of which endeavors to

      make its internal balance sheet more liquid by restricting imports and

      stimulating exports by every possible means, the success of each one in

      this direction meaning the defeat of someone else. Moreover, each country

      discourages capital development within its own borders for fear of the

      effect on its international balance. Yet it will only be successful in its

      object in so far as its progress toward negation is greater than that of

      its neighbors.

 

II         

 

We have here an extreme example of the disharmony of general and

      particular interest. Each nation, in an effort to improve its relative

      position, takes measures injurious to the absolute prosperity of its

      neighbors; and, since its example is not confined to itself, it suffers

      more from similar action by its neighbors than it gains by such action

      itself. Practically all the remedies popularly advocated to-day are of

      this internecine character. Competitive wage reductions, competitive

      tariffs, competitive liquidation of foreign assets, competitive currency

      deflations, competitive economy campaigns -- all are of this

      beggar-my-neighbor description. For one man's expenditure is another man's

      income. Thus, while we undoubtedly increase our own margin, we diminish

      that of someone else; and if the practice is universally followed everyone

      will be worse off. An individual may be forced by his private

      circumstances to curtail his normal expenditure, and no one can blame him.

      But let no one suppose that he is performing a public duty in behaving in

      such a way. The modern capitalist is a fair-weather sailor. As soon as a

      storm rises, he abandons the duties of navigation and even sinks the boats

      which might carry him to safety by his haste to push his neighbor off and

      himself in.

 

      Unfortunately the popular mind has been educated away from the truth, away

      from common sense. The average man has been taught to believe what his own

      common sense, if he relied on it, would tell him was absurd. Even remedies

      of a right tendency have become discredited because of the failure of a

      timid and vacillating application of them. Now, at last, under the

      teaching of hard experience, there may be some slight improvement toward

      wiser counsels. But through lack of foresight, and constructive

      imagination the financial and political authorities of the world have

      lacked the courage or the conviction at each stage of the decline to apply

      the available remedies in sufficiently drastic doses; and by now they have

      allowed the collapse to reach a point where the whole system may have lost

      its resiliency and its capacity for a rebound.

 

      Meanwhile the problem of reparations and war debts darkens the whole

      scene. We all know that these are now as dead as mutton, and as

      distasteful as stale mutton. There is no question of any substantial

      payments' being made. The problem has ceased to be financial and has

      become entirely political and psychological. If in the next six months the

      French were to make a very moderate and reasonable proposal in final

      settlement, I believe that the Germans, in spite of all their present

      protestations to the contrary, would accept it and would be wise to accept

      it. But to all outward appearances the French mind appears to be hardening

      against such a solution and in favor of forcing a situation in which

      Germany will default. French politicians (and in candid moments American

      politicians may confess to a fellow feeling) are conscious that it will be

      much easier for them, vis-a-vis the home political front to get rid of

      reparations by a German default than to reach by agreement a moderate sum,

      most of which might have to be handed on to the United States. Moreover,

      this outcome would have what they deem to be the advantage of piling up

      grievances and a legal case against Germany for use in connection with the

      other outstanding questions created between the two countries by the

      Treaty of Versailles. I cannot, therefore, extract much comfort or

prospective hope from developments in this sphere of international finance.

    

 III      

 

Well, I have painted the prospect in the blackest colors. What is there to

      be said on the other side? What elements of hope can we discern in the

      surrounding gloom? And what useful action does it still lie in our power

      to take?

 

      The outstanding ground for cheerfulness lies, I think, in this -- that the

      system has shown already its capacity to stand an almost inconceivable

      strain. If anyone had prophesied to us a year or two ago the actual state

      of affairs which exists to-day, could we have believed that the world

      could continue to maintain even that degree of normality which we actually

      have? This remarkable capacity of the system to take punishment is the

      best reason for hoping that we still have time to rally the constructive

      forces of the world.

 

      Moreover, there has been a still recent and, in my judgment, most blessed

      event of which we have not yet had time to gain the full benefit. I mean

      Great Britain's abandonment of the gold standard. I believe that this

      event has been charged with beneficent significance over a wide field. If

      Great Britain had somehow contrived to maintain her gold parity, the

      position of the world as a whole to-day would be considerably more

      desperate than it is, and default more general.

 

      For Great Britain's action has had two signal consequences. The first has

      been to stop the decline of prices, measured in terms of national

      currencies, over a very considerable proportion of the world. Consider for

      a moment what an array of countries are now linked to the fortunes of

      sterling rather than gold: Australasia, India, Ceylon, Malaya, East and

      West Africa, Egypt, and Scandinavia; and, in substance, though not so

      literally, South America, Canada, and Japan. Outside Europe there are no

      countries in the whole world except South Africa and the United States

      which now conform to a gold standard. France and the United States are the

      only remaining countries of major importance where the gold standard is

      functioning freely.

 

      This means a very great abatement of the deflationary pressure which was

      existing six months ago. Over wide areas producers are now obtaining

      prices in terms of their domestic currencies which are not so desperately

      unsatisfactory in relation to their costs of production and to their

      debts. These events have been too recent to attract all the attention they

      deserve. There are several countries of which it could be argued that

      their economic and financial condition may have turned the corner in the

      last six months. It is true, for example, of Australia. I think it may be

      true of Argentina and Brazil. There has been an extraordinary improvement

      in India, where the export of gold previously hoarded, a consequence of

      the discount of sterling in terms of gold which no one predicted, has

      almost solved the financial problem.

 

      As regards Great Britain herself, the world has a little overlooked, I

      think, the change since last September, which represents, if not an

      absolute, at least a relative improvement. The number of persons employed

      to-day exceeds by 200,000 the number employed a year ago -- which is true

      of no other industrial country. This has been achieved in spite of the

      fact that there has been, even during the past year, a further rise in

      real wages; for, while money wages have fallen by 2 per cent, the cost of

      living, in spite of the depreciation of the sterling exchange, has fallen

      by 4 per cent. And the explanation is an encouragement for the future. For

      the explanation lies in the fact that over a wide field of her

      characteristic activities Great Britain to-day is once again the cheapest

      producer in the world. The forces set on foot last September have by no

      means had time to work their full effect. Yet even to-day -- though, since

      popular knowledge of a foreign country is always out of date, it may

      surprise you that I should say so -- Great Britain is decidedly the most

      prosperous country in the world.

    

 IV   But there is a second major consequence of the partition of the countries

      of the world into two groups, on and off the gold standard respectively.

      For the two groups roughly correspond to those which have been exercising

      deflationary pressure on the rest of the world, by having a net creditor

      position which causes them to draw gold, and those which have been

      suffering this pressure. Now the departure of the latter group from gold

      means the beginning of a process toward the restoration of economic

      equilibrium. It means the setting into motion of natural forces which are

      certain in course of time to undermine and eventually destroy the creditor

      position of the two leading creditor gold countries. The process will be

      seen most rapidly in the case of France, whose creditor position is likely

      to be completely undermined before the end of 1932. The cessation of

      reparation receipts, the loss of tourist traffic, the competitive

      disadvantage of her export trades with non-gold countries, and the

      importation of a large proportion of the world's available gold, will,

      between them, do that work. In the case of the United States the process

      may be a slower one, largely because the reduction of tourist traffic,

      which costs France so dear, means for the United States a large saving.

      But the tendency will be the same. A point will surely come when the

      current release of gold from India and the mines will exceed the favorable

      balance of the gold countries.

 

      Thus a process has been set moving which may relieve in the end the

      deflationary pressure. The question is whether this will have time to

      happen before financial organization and the system of international

      credit break under the strain. If it does, then the way will be cleared

      for a concerted policy, probably under the leadership of Great Britain, of

      capital expansion and price raising throughout the world. For without this

      the only alternative solution which I can envisage is one of the general

      default of debts and the disappearance of the existing credit system,

      followed by rebuilding on quite new foundations.

      The following, then, is the chapter of events which might conceivably -- I

      will not attempt to evaluate the probability of their occurrence -- lead

      us out of the bog. The financial crisis might wear itself out before a

      point of catastrophe and general default had been reached. This is,

      perhaps, happening. The greatest dangers may have been surmounted during

      the past few months. Pari passu with this, the deflationary pressure

      exerted on the rest of the world by the unbalanced creditor position of

      France and the United States may be relaxed, through their losing their

      creditor position as a result of the steady operation of the forces which

      I have already described. If and when these things are clearly the case,

      we shall then enter the cheap-money phase. This is the point at which, on

      the precedent of previous slumps, we might hope for the beginning of

      recovery. I am not confident, however, that on this occasion the

      cheap-money phase will be sufficient by itself to bring about an adequate

      recovery of new investment. It may still be the case that the lender, with

      his confidence shattered by his experiences, will continue to ask for new

      enterprise rates of interest which the borrower cannot expect to earn.

      Indeed, this was already the case in the moderately-cheap-money phase

      which preceded the financial crisis of last autumn.

      If this proves to be so, there will be no means of escape from prolonged

      and perhaps interminable depression except by direct state intervention to

      promote and subsidize new investment. Formerly there was no expenditure

      out of the proceeds of borrowing that it was thought proper for the State

      to incur except for war. In the past, therefore, we have not infrequently

      had to wait for a war to terminate a major depression. I hope that in the

      future we shall not adhere to this purist financial attitude, and that we

      shall be ready to spend on the enterprises of peace what the financial

      maxims of the past would only allow us to spend on the devastations of

      war. At any rate, I predict with an assured confidence that the only way

      out is for us to discover some object which is admitted even by the

      deadheads to be a legitimate excuse for largely increasing the expenditure

      of someone on something!

    

 V    In all our thoughts and feelings and projects for the betterment of

      things, we should have it at the back of our heads that this is not a

      crisis of poverty, but a crisis of abundance. It is not the harshness and

      the niggardliness of nature which are oppressing us, but our own

      incompetence and wrong-headedness which hinder us from making use of the

      bountifulness of inventive science and cause us to be overwhelmed by its

      generous fruits. The voices which -- in such a conjuncture -- tell us that

      the path of escape is to be found in strict economy and in refraining,

      wherever possible, from utilizing the world's potential production are the

      voices of fools and madmen. There is a passage from David Hume in which he

      says: 'Though the ancients maintained that, in order to reach the gifts of

      prophecy, a certain divine fury or madness was requisite, one may safely

      affirm that, in order to deliver such prophecies as these, no more is

      necessary than merely to be in one's senses, free from the influence of

      popular madness and delusion.'

     

Obviously it is much more difficult to solve the problem to-day than it

      would have been a year ago. But I believe even now, as I believed then,

      that we could still be, if we would, the masters of our fate. The

      obstacles to recovery are not material. They reside in the state of

      knowledge, judgment, and opinion of those who sit in the seat of

      authority. Unluckily the traditional and ingrained beliefs of those who

      hold responsible positions throughout the world grew out of experiences

      which contained no parallel to the present, and are often the opposite of

      what one would wish them to believe to-day. In France the weight of

      authoritative opinion and public sentiment is genuinely and sincerely

      opposed to the whole line of thought which runs through what I have been

      saying. In the United States it is almost inconceivable what rubbish a

      public man has to utter to-day if he is to keep respectable. Serious and

      sensible bankers, who as men of common sense are trying to do what they

      can to stem the tide of liquidation and to stimulate the forces of

      expansion, have to go about assuring the world of their conviction that

      there is no serious risk of inflation, when what they really mean is that

      they cannot yet see good enough grounds for daring to hope for it. In

      Great Britain opinion is probably more advanced. I believe that the ideas

      of British bankers are on sounder lines than those current elsewhere. What

      we in London have to fear is timidity and a reluctance to act boldly.

      Nothing could be a greater advantage to the world than that the United

      States should solve her own domestic problems, and, by solving them,

      provide the stimulus and the example to other countries. But observing

      from a distance, -- a nearer view of the prospect might modify my

      pessimism, -- I am unable to imagine a course of events which could

      restore health to American industry in the near future. I even fancy that,

      so far from the United States giving the example, she will herself have to

      wait for stimulus from outside. I, therefore, dare to hope -- however

      improbable it may seem in the light of recent experience -- that relief

      may come first of all to Great Britain and the group of overseas countries

      which look to her for financial leadership. It is a dim hope, I confess.

      But I discern less light elsewhere.